Yesterday evening, as I rode home on the #4 above ground subway, watching Shanghai descend into night, my thoughts turned to Walter Benjamin. I thought of what he wrote to Theodor Adorno in a letter about the Arcades Project, that it was “the theater of all my struggles.” I thought about his death, about what must have been running through his mind -the hope, anguish, anxiety and fear not only for himself but the world- as he rode the train south from Paris in search of safe passage from the Nazis. I wondered what image or vision had sustained him all those thirteen years that he labored on the Arcades Project: surely something more than his desire to expose the rotten core of bourgeois phantasmagorias. That intention alone would make the Arcades Project an interesting, but not an important and powerful, exercise in thought. Some indescribable feeling seems to weigh heavily on the Arcades Project in a way rarely echoed in other similar works of the period: a sense of the density of human history so radically counter to the illusion of historical contingency; an oppressive anxiety about the present moment and the ability of living men and women to cope with the superhuman tasks before them; a sublated but intact hope for the one-day realization of a better world and a redeemed (or at least more fulfilled, more equitable) humanity. Benjamin’s work, like his life, seems an attempt to wrest something coherently heroic from the cruel banality of the world, and to imbue his readership with a sense that even -or most profoundly- in their mundane daily actions they are participating in a sublime work, equal parts unjust and full of hope. Benjamin is the only “theorist” I’ve read in whom I sense genuine philosophical selflessness. He wasn’t a saint, but he did give himself to his work and his historical moment to a degree that his contemporaries could or would not. In Benjamin, the personal and the historical blend together in such a way that both emerge all the more saturated with meaning: history is literally a life-and-death matter. Revolutionary practice, for Benjamin, begins from a heightened awareness of this fact.
The other day I began reading Jonathan Spence’s magisterially written “The Gate of Heavenly Peace: China’s Century of Revolution, 1895-1980.” Spence’s technique -to recreate the precarious and convulsive but exhilarating and revolutionary atmosphere of turn-of-the-century China by following the internecine lives of individual thinkers, writers and activists- is perfectly tailored to his subject matter. You get the impression that any other method, however analytically rigorous, would do injustice to the lives (and deaths) of those who labored to remake China. Spence’s work is by no means perfect, but (in the words of Benjamin) it provides “intensive, intimating access” to the full meaning of that moment in history; it presents a “crystal of the total event.” Moreover, it reminds me why I was attracted to 20th century Chinese history in the first place.
Before I go further, let me make a slight detour through some things I’ve been pondering since coming to Shanghai. Everything in my life right now feels like an emanation of one big struggle to understand the present moment and my place in it. This struggle takes the form of a few questions: what exactly is “globalization,” what are the historical and philosophical consequences of contemporary shifts in material conditions, and what does this process mean for our daily practice, our understanding of and relation to the world around us, each other and ourselves? Underlying these questions, as their continually repressed kernel, is another: what kind of world do we want and what are we willing to do to bring it about? This question is seldom seriously posed because it belies the possibility that “we” have a responsibility to the communities of which we are part, be they familial, national or global. It contains an injunction to engage with and remake concepts that most American academics are content simply to criticize. It uncovers for American academics the uncomfortable reality that they have their own intellectual heritage, a legacy whose denial (in the form of a half-baked obsession with 20th century French thought) is as easy as it is crippling, and whose resuscitation today is as difficult as it is necessary. Let us consider, by contrast, what I’ve observed of the contemporary Chinese intellectual situation.
My work for the conference consists of proof-reading, editing and occasionally re-writing parts of the English translations of papers to be presented by Chinese professors. In the process, I’ve had the chance to engage at length and from several perspectives with the arguments made in these essays. I have been amazed by the internal consistencies between the Chinese papers, and despite some initial suspicion of their ultimate aims (which I naively considered “nationalist,” but more on this later), I’m beginning to get a sense of the larger intellectual project that subtends and binds them. Insofar as it makes any sense to speak of a body of “Chinese thought” today, and insofar as the few papers I’ve read (along with the work of thinkers like Wang Hui) can be understood as representative of this thought or of a contemporary Chinese intellectual “situation,” let me offer a few reflections:
The relationship between contemporary Chinese thinkers and the intellectual, cultural and political history of China is unlike anything found in the contemporary American academy. They seem to possess (or are the possessions of) a sense of duty: to their country and to the world, yes, but more pointedly, to the Chinese revolutionary writers and activists whose legacy they literally embody and must strive to uphold and extend into the future. For them, the past is not a collection of words in a history textbook, but a living memory of destruction and creation whose injunction to push forward into a better form of human society provides the lens through which they imagine their relationship to the world around them and the communities they live in. History weighs heavily on them, but not as an objective and objectifying structure: history is that which makes them and which they in turn can collectively make and remake. The key to such a conception of their relation to history is, I think, the notion of China as a project. Like those turn-of-the-century revolutionaries, writers and thinkers who underwent the transition from China as a God-given fact to China as an open question and product of human labor, contemporary Chinese scholars seem to think of the future of their country (and by extension of the world in which it will play an increasingly decisive role) as one which their own subjective intervention can alter and shape. To put it bluntly, they think they can make a difference. Nothing is so big or so impersonal as to categorically defy adjustment, reformation and revolution by human hands and ideas. If anything, the very concept of modern China necessitates their continual intervention: “China” serves in their essays as the name for the raw liberatory force of human enlightenment whose potential they are bound -almost as if by fate- to cultivate.
Let’s return for a moment to those initial years of the Chinese revolutionary century. A vibrant and varied cast of characters with widely differing “plans” for their country emerges: Kang Youwei, Liang Qichao, Sun Yat Sen, Qiu Jin, Lu Xun –to name only a few of the most auspicious. What makes this period so troublesome for contemporary historians is the fact that most, if not all, of these thinkers and activists were deeply influenced by their readings in “Western” literature, politics and philosophy. Thus the thesis of “Western Impact” (that China’s revolution was sparked and structured by Western ideas adopted wholesale by Chinese activists) which guided the first phase of American historiography on China gave way in the last few decades to a “China-centered approach” which pushed to its limits the structuring role of wholly endogenous forces in Chinese history and society. Taken to their extreme, both approaches become ideological gibberish, but each obviously reflects part of the humanly felt “reality” of that moment in history. If there is no denying that “Western” ideas about history, the nation, and political and civil rights influenced the people who first imagined China as a progressive project, we must unpack the word “influence,” accounting for the simultaneous novelty of the ideas produced in the name of this “project” and their groundedness in Chinese and Euro-American intellectual traditions. What emerges is a topography of intersecting philosophical and political currents: Euro-American “Revolution” with a longstanding Chinese tradition of social unrest and revolt; “Women’s Rights” as an abstract declaration with the reality of practices like foot-binding and the near-total subjugation of women to men (described so powerfully by Qiu Jin); the concept of “Nation” and the struggle by Chinese writers and thinkers to imagine a form of community beyond the Mandate of Heaven. We should approach the legacy of this period of unprecedentedly intense interactivity between Chinese and Euro-American intellectual currents not from the “critical” perspective, which sees in it little more than the workings of “Western” intellectual imperialism and the production of that faulty –if initially liberatory- device: the nation. Such a “critical” approach will prevent us from fully understanding the ways in which that revolutionary legacy works its way into the psychological and material conditions of contemporary Chinese intellectual life. How could we possibly grasp that contemporary Chinese thinkers feel an imperative to struggle for the improvement of their country if don’t ourselves attempt to “feel” the weight of the historical legacy they see themselves as part of? This legacy is not simply of those who “thought” of a new China, but who suffered and died for the possibility of a country in which the vagaries of their predecessors would not be repeated. It is a project which by nature could not be completed by those early revolutionaries or by Mao, and nor will it be completed by the professors whose papers I edited. But there is a real, undeniable sense in which they see themselves working from something, as part of something and towards something, and grasping that sense even tangentially from my “outside” perspective has been the single greatest gift of this summer.
It has also challenged me to rethink most of what I’ve studied in the last three years. I’m glad I spent so much time reading and engaging with post-War French and European thought, if only because without having done so I would not now be able to recognize how important it is that I emphatically reject most of its (logical, if not explicitly stated) conclusions. Though such a rejection, if it’s to be genuine, will have to come after more protracted and serious engagement with this thought, my readings will from now on be motivated by cautious skepticism –rather than naive embrace– of its intellectual consequences. Why this reaction? Because in the relation of Chinese contemporary thinkers to their own intellectual legacy I’ve found an articulation of the need to understand, as Holderlin says, what is “one’s own-most.” Simply put, post-War French and European thought isn’t mine. I think I’ve known and felt this for a long time, and I think it in part explains why I have never been content with the implications of this thought. I am beginning to see that in order to understand not “what” contemporary Chinese thinkers think but “why” and “how” they think this way, I will have to seriously engage with my own political-intellectual legacy: that of America, of figures like Emerson, Du Bois, Dewey, Sontag, Rawls and Rorty. An understanding of the present moment will not come from a denial of the continued structuring force of what is one’s “own-most.” In order to grasp the global, we have to better understand the many dimensions of the national which still weigh so heavily on us. We might find that the national legacy has a productive and “progressive” role to play in the unfolding of the global, and moreover, that the “Chinese” and “American” modern national legacies share a deeper affinity than first expected.
The fundamental problem is this: very little of the critical theory cannon handed to me on Cornell’s silver platter is remotely concerned with making our world a better place. This is a serious problem, and from within the post-War Euro-French tradition, probably an intractable one. But other intellectual traditions exist which maintain a living connection to this basic progressive injunction, some of them to be found half-way across the world, others hiding within what is one’s own-most. One of these belongs to China, another to America.
I’ll continue this later. I’m completely exhausted right now from preparatory work for the conference and basically can’t form another coherent thought. Suffice to say, the direction I’m headed with this is: we need to revisit the progressive potential of certain national legacies, in our case those of China and America. It is imperative, I think, for young American scholars to wean themselves of paralyzing contemporary critical theory (a front, I’m coming to believe, for bourgeois academic solipsism) and to reclaim the American intellectual legacy –the greatest source of Benjaminian “historical weight” available to us- as our own. My own first step in this direction will be a serious study of John Dewey, as well as Richard Rorty’s book, Achieving Our Country: Leftist Thought in Twentieth-Century America. To put it bluntly, the example of the still-felt Chinese legacy is too powerful for me to simply return to what I was doing and thinking before. Chinese and American legacies are both distinct and deeply intertwined, both analytically and historically. If we want to grasp what “the present moment” means, I think we would do better to understand these legacies from within.